Collapse of Sasanian Power in Fars

Persian Section • Articles Some New Fragments of Ali Ashraf Sadeghi Hamza Isfahani's Al-Muwazana A Recently-found Pahlavi Funerary Inscription Jaleh Amou2egar from Kazerun • Reviews . The Art and Archaeology of Ancient Persia, Touraj Daryaee V. S. Curtis, et al. Asnadiaz Zartostfyan-e Mo 'Sser-e Iron, T. Arnlnl Askar Bahrami • Brief Reviews Zohreh Hedayati • News Z.H. • Discussion Scientific Etymology or Pseudo Etymology? Mostafa Zakeri • Recently Published Articles on Iranian Studies Name-ye Iran-e Boston, Vol. 2, No. 1 The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in Fars/Persis* Touraj Daryaee California State University, Fullerton The exact dates for the early Islamic conquest of cities and districts of Iran, the Near East, Eastern Mediterranean, and North Africa are difficult to ascertain. The reason for this difficulty is the contradictory nature of Arabic and Persian futiifi texts and other literary sources in regard to the dates when a district or city was taken. Another major reason for this confusion as to the exact date of the conquest is that there were so many local uprisings that Muslim historians themselves were at a loss regarding the terminal date of the conquest. Consequently an author or several authors supply several or different dates for conquests which tend to confuse the history of the early Arab Muslim control in the seventh century CE. This confusion can be demonstrated by looking at the accounts of the conquest of Fars by three important Muslim historians: al-TabarT dealing with universal history, Baladhurl dealing_with conquests, and Ibn BalxT dealing with local history. All these authors and others supply different dates and at times different * I would like to thank M. Bates of the American Numismatic Society in New York, M. Morony at UCLA and J. Crabbs at the California State University, Fullerton for their help and guidance. 4 Touraj Daryaee scenarios as to the process of conquest of the province of Fars. Then how can we know when and how the Arab Muslims were able to conquer a region? This article aims to look at some of the methodological issues in regard to the early Islamic conquests and what results one might attain by using alternative sources, such as the material remains. This demonstration will show that other sources of information besides the historical texts, such as the jututi "conquest" literature, are needed to clarify the situation in seventh century Iran. I. The Nature of the Sources Stephen Humphreys has. conveniently put together all the primary tools for the study of early Islamic history. His work is thus of utmost importance for ascertaining their value and classification.1 Arabic sources have a special importance for this period because of their sheer quantity and the wide geographic region they cover. When dealing with the early Islamic conquests, these texts are the main sources for this period.2 All of these texts give us a formulaic approach to the conquest (futuh) process which can be summarized as: 1) the siege and conquest; 2) the subjugation of the provinces and territories; and 3) the futuh in general.3 But based on the differences among these accounts, one can question the accuracy of these sources. Other important sources are the material remains. These have been used to a lesser extent when dealing with the conquest period. They include the archaeological, epigraphic and the numismatic sources. The archaeological sources are silent sources and are more difficult to utilize without confirmation, but they are still crucial for our understanding of the 1-A. Bayat,.SenSsal-ye manabe' wa ma'axez-e tdrixt-ye Iran, Vol. I, Amir Kabir Publishers, Tehran, 1986; R. Stephen Humphreys, Islamic History, A Framework for Inquiry, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1991. 2. E. Bosworth, SlstSn under the Arabs, from the Islamic Conquest to the Rise of the SaffSrids (30-250/651-864), ISMEO, Centro Studi e Scavi Archeologici in Asia, Reports and Memoirs XI, Rome, 1968; F. Gabrieli, Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam, "New York, 1968; Fred M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1981; M. G. Morony, Iraq After the Muslim Conquest, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1984; M. Hinds, "The First Arab Conquest of Fars," in IRAN 22 (1984); 39-53. 3. Albrecht Noth, The Early Arabic Historical Tradition, A Source-Critical Study, The Darwin Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1994, p. 32. The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in... 5 nature of Arab Muslim settlement in the conquered regions.4 On the other hand, the epigraphic and the numismatic sources give us much information on the person or official whose name is inscribed on the seal or struck on the coin, where the seal or coin is from, when the coin was struck, the religious conviction of the owner or governor under whom the coin was struck, and, depending on the material used, what was the economic situation or status of the person. Recently, S. Tyler-Smith5 has conducted an excellent study of Yazdgird Hi's coinage. While she is meticulous in her study of Yazdgird ID'S coinage, she only provides a general picture of the literary sources. The question that needs to be raised is that what is the connection or relation between the material culture and the textual sources? It will be seen that the comparison between the two types of sources can provide some clues as on the period of conquest in the province of Fars. The numismatic sources will be used here to the possible extent in which Tyler-Smith has furnished them, along with the earliest attested Arab-Sasanian coinage studied by S. Album and M. Bates. They will be compared with the mentioned literary sources. U. Historiography Much ink has been spilt on the conquest of Sasanian Iran and its aftermath. The works vary in terms of their approaches, their use of material evidence, and intentions. The focus here is on the province of Fars and me changes that occurred in that province. However, much of the scholarship is more general, and very little is specifically dedicated to Fars. With regard to the end of the Sasanian history, F. Justi's chapter on ancient Iranian history in the Grundriss der iranischen Philologie provided the most complete early account6 The most important work on Sasanian history was written by A Christensen, who brought 4. For the province of FSrs and other regions see the important works of D. Whitcomb, "The City, of Istakhr and the Marvdasht Plain," Akten des VII International Kongresses fur iranische Kunst und Archdologie, Munch en, 1979, pp. 363-370; idem, Before ihe Roses and Nightingales, Excavation at Qasr-i Abu Nasr, Old Shiraz, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1985; idem, "Early Islamic Cities, Evidence from the Aqaba and Istakhr Excavations," (manuscript copy), pp. 1-7, 5. S. Tyler-Smith, "Coinage in the Name of Yazdgerd 111 (AD 632-651) and the Arab Conquest of Iran," The Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. 160, London, 2000, pp. 135-170. 6. F. Justi, "Geschichte Irans von den Sliest en Zeiten bis zum Ausgang der SSsaniden," in W. Geiger and E. Kuhn, eds., Grundriss der iranischen Philologie, Zweiter Band. Verlag von Karl J. Trubner, Srrassburg, 1896-1904, pp. 395-550. 6 Touraj Darya ee together all the sources available in the first half of the twentieth century. He dealt with the Arab Muslim conquest and the Sasanians in Central Asia after the collapse of their rule in Iran using the literary sources uncritically.7 After Christensen's magnum opus Richard N. Frye published a book on the history of ancient Iran. The last chapter of the book contains a detailed description of what happened as the result of the Muslim conquest8 Another work by Frye on late Sasanian and early Islamic Iran is the most important account of the social and intellectual situation in Fars in the seventh century.9 The bureaucracy, the state of religion, and Zoroastrian interactions with Muslims were discussed in some detail. Frye was insightful but also very cautious and did not push his conclusions very far, letting fanciful imagination affect his work. Even more important, much more material evidence has come to light since then which makes another study necessary. A. 1 Kolesnikov has been one of the most important scholars who has dealt with the conquest of Iran.10 On the conquests in general, F. Gabrieli's book was based solely on the Islamic literary sources.11 B. Spuler's work on early Islamic Iran is perhaps the most complete work for Iranian history on mis period.12 M. Hinds published "The First Arab Conquest of Fars" in I984,13 and M. Morony in his work dealt especially with the aftermath of the conquest of Iraq, both mainly dependent on the literary sources.14 Morony's work discussed the different populations of Sasanian Iraq, including die Zoroastrians and their situation in that period. He also concentrated on the conquest and the relationship of the Muslims to the conquered Iranians.15 7. A. Christensen, L 'Iran sous les Sassanides, Ejnar Munksgaard, Copenhague, 1944. 8. R. N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia, World Publishing Company, Cleveland and New York. 1963. 9. Idem, The Golden Age of Persia, The Arabs in the East, Weidenfeld, 1973. 10. A. I. Kolesnikov, Zavoevanie Irana Arabami (Conquest of Iran by the Arabs), Moscow, 1982. ' 11. Gabrieli, op. cit. 12. B. Spuler, Iran in FrSh-Mamiscker Zeit, Franz Stetner Veriag GMBH, Wiesbaden, 1952; idem, "Les iraniens et le gouvemement des Arabes au debut de la domination de I'islam," Orientalia Suecana, Stockholm, 19*4-1986, pp.39-400. 13. Hinds, op. cit. 14. Morony, op. cit. 15. Idem, "Conquerors and Conquered: Iran," in G. H. A. Juynbooi, ed., Studies on the First Century of Islamic Society, Carbondate: S. Illinois University Press, 1982, pp. 73-88; idem, "Arab Conquest of Iran," in Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 11(1987): 203-210. The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in .. 7 Here different patterns of Arab settlement and their relation with the natives in the Iranian plateau were discussed. A more comprehensive study of the patterns of conquest was undertaken by F. Dormer who commented on the nature and dates of the conquest and the problem of textual sources and chronology for this period.16 Iranian writers have also written histories dealing with the conquest of Iran and its aftermath. M. Azizi's La domination arabe et l'epanouissement du sentiment national en Iran,17 along with A. H. 2arrinkub's Do Qarn Sokutl& and by the same author "The Arab Conquest of Iran and Its Aftermath,"19 provide the most extensive study of the conquest and subsequent developments, although at times from a nationalist point of view. Zarrinkub studied the social and political situation of Iran on the eve of the Muslim conquest and the first two centuries of Muslim rule. The movement of the Arabs into Iran, the relation of the Magians with the Muslims,, the status of the mawalT, the questions of fizya and kharSj were all discussed, based on Muslim sources. Zoroastrians have also dealt with the end of the Sasanian empire and the situation of the Sasanians under Muslim rule. M. S. Irani's "The Province of Khorasan After the Arab Conquest" discussed the resistance of the Iranians against the Muslim invaders.20 F. C. Davar wrote perhaps the most one- sided essay on the aftermath of the Muslim conquest of Iran, without making a single reference to any source.21 B. Faravashi wrote an essay on the causes of the fall of the Sasanians.22 More recently* J. Choksy has conducted a judicious study of Zoroastrian-Muslim relations in the Islamic period and examined how the Zoroastrians lost their hold on power and, conversely 16. Donner,op. cit. 17. M. Azizi, La domination arabe et I'epanouissement du sentiment national en Iran, Paris, 1938. 18. A- H. Zarrinkub, Do Qarn Sokut, Tehran, 1966. 19. Idem, "The Arab Conquest of Iran and Its Aftermath," in R. N. Frye, ed., The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 4, Cambridge University Press, 1975, pp. 1-56. 20. M. S. Irani, "The Province of Khorasan After the Arab Conquest," in Proceedings of the Transaction of the I2th All-India Oriental Conference 13 (1946): 530-537. 21. F. C. Davar, "A Glimpse into Iran after the Arab Conquest," in A. V. W. Jackson Memorial Volume, Bombay, 1954, pp.149-161- 22. B. Faravashi, "Les causes de la chute des Sassanides," in La Persia nel medioevo, Rome, 197l,pp.477-484. 8 Touraj Daryaee why the Muslims became the = dominant force in Iran.23 This work also dedicates some attention to the mechanics of the process of conquest, which is important, although again based on the literary sources. All these works with the exception of the last one, provide a very dim view of the conquest of Sasanian Iran and of what must have happened to the Zoroastrians. III. The Conquest of Fare A. Textual Sources The textual sources offer a wealth of information on the conquest of the Near East by the Arab Muslim armies. However, these sources often give conflicting scenarios about the process and exact dates of the conquest. Thus it becomes very difficult to arrive at a precise narrative of the conquest of a city or region in the seventh century. This contradiction can be illuminated by comparing three Perso-Arabic textul accounts: 1) alTTabari; 2) Baladhuri; and 3) Ibn Balxi. According to al-TabarT, the first raids into Firs were undertaken from 'Uman and al-Bahrayn.2^ It appears that there was no organized plan to Conquer the province of Fars. The caliph was content to hold Iraq and Khuzestan and was not planning to conquer the Persian-speaking areas. In fact. 'Umar ibn al-Khattab supposedly said that'T wish there were between us and the people of Pars a mountain of fire, through which they cannot reach us, nor we them."25 Thus the first raids into the province of Fars seem, as al-TabafT states, to have had an ad hoc nature, as a result of disobedience to the Caliph. The conquest began in year 17 H/638-639 CE when al-'Ala' b. al- HadramT was appointed governor of al-Bahrayn by Abu Bakr.26 He held the same office during the later caliphate of 'Umar. It is said that he had been 23. J. K. Choksy, Conflict and Cooperation, Zoroastrian Subalterns and Muslim Elite in Medieval Iranian Society, Columbia University Press, New York, 1997. 24. Hinds, op. cit., p. 39. 25. Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. JarTr al-Tabarl, Ta'rtkh al-rusul wa'l-muluk, Vol. IV, Muhammad A. Ibrahim, ed., Dar al-Ma'arif, Cairo, 1963, p. 2545. For translations, see G. H. A. Juynboll, Vol. XIII, State University of New York Press, Albany, p. 126. The same kind of statement is made for the northern area such as the Jabal (Hamadan), where it is said that 'Umar had wished that there was a mountain of fire between the people of KQfah and al-Jabal, so they would not be able to have contacts, p. 2545. 26. According to Hinds [pp. cit., p. 39), he was appointed governor of al-Bahrayn by the Prophet in 8/629-630. The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in... 9 Strictly ordered by 'Umar not to take it upon himself to conquer any adjacent regions. Accordingly, the first raids into Fars took place as a result of internal Muslim rivalries, notably that of 'Abd al-Qays and Tamlm who were in support of al-'Ala' against the ridda of the BakrT al-Hutam b. Dubay'a. After the suppression of the ridda, al-'Ala' followed it up by the conquest of an island off the coast of the Persian Gulf.27 However, al-'Ala' gave orders to raid Fars and divided his forces into three contingents. The first contingent was put under the leadership of al- Jarud b. al-Mu'alla who was killed by the Persian forces once he had crossed from al-Bahrayn to Fars.28 The second contingent was put under the command of al-Sawwar b. Hammam. It had crossed with the first army and had the same fate as that of al-Jarud b. al-Mu'alla29 The third contingent was put under the leadership of Khulayd b. al-Mundhir b. Sawl who was able to continue fighting, but could not retreat to al-Bahrayn because his way of retreat to the boats was blocked. Upon hearing this news, 'Umar reprimanded al-'Ala' in a letter, had him dismissed and put under the command of Sa'd b. Abl Waqqas. He then asked 'Uthah b. Ghazwan to send troops to Khulayd b. al-Mundhir b. Sawl, whose forces were hard pressed in Fars.30- With reinforcements they were able to retreat and return to their bases^ some to al-Basrah and al-Bahrayn. This was die first raid into Fars by Arab Muslims, whose forces were originally comprised of Qays and Tamlm tribes. This was also the first time that the Basran forces were noted for their valor and military capability, since they had come to the rescue of the stranded Arab Muslim forces in Fars. Although al-Tabari account says the Arabs fought valiantly and killed many of the Persians, it appears that it was such a difficult battle that the caliph did not attack the province again for some time. This proved that if there was to be a conquest of the province, it needed to be done with a larger force.31 27. Ibid., p. 41. 28. al-TabarT, op. cit., p. 2546. 29. Ibid., p. 2547. 30. Ibid., p. 2548. 31. Ibn Babel's account of the conquest is quite different. He states that al-'Ala' b. al- HadramT had sent Hartima b. Ja'far al-BaraghT to conquer the islands close to Fars. After hearing this news 'Umar rejoiced and said that the conquest of Fars had begun, Fdrsndme, R. Nicholson, ed., Cambridge, 1932, p. 113. Because of its late date, however, this account may ' be less reliable. 10 Touraj Daryaee According to al-TabarT the conquest of Fars and the final conquest of Istaxr took place under HiSam b. *Amir, during the caliphate of 'Uthman in the year 28/648-649.32 But al-Tabarr later contradicts himself when he mentions that in year 29/649-650 the people of Fars rebelled against 'Ubayd Allah b. Ma'mar; the later was killed and bis army defeated.33 Subsequently 'Uthman b. AbT al-'As marched to Istaxr with a force from al-Basrah and subdued its population.34 The province was then put under the shared military command , of Harim b. Hassan al-Yashkuri, Harim b. Hayyan al- 'AbdT and al-Khirrlt b. Rashid, the last two belonging to the tribes of 'Abd al-Qays and Banu SSmah.35 But what is puzzling is that it is said that 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir conquered Fars in the same year.36 This was not the final conquest of Fars, because it is also reported that Yazdgird EI fled to Khurasan from the province of Fars in the year 30/650-651.37 Thus al- Tabari account alone demonstrates the confusion and uncertainty over the process and date of the conquest of Fars. Baladhuri states that the first district of Fars that was conquered was Ardaxstr-xwarrah, and the first site to be captured was Tawwaj. Baladhuri provides two versions of the conquest of Fars, and the second version seems to be more accurate. This is that 'Uthman b. Abl al-'As conquered Tawwaj and settled several tribes there, among them the 'Abd al-Qays. From there he went in the year 19/639 to the district of Arrajari, i.e., Veh-az-Amid- Kavad.38 At the end of 'Uthman's caliphate it is also reported that 'Uthman b. AbT al-'As conquered Arrajan, then SSraz. The inhabitants were either given the choice to leave or to pay jizya; they were not to be harmed or taken as slaves. Then the city of S5nez in Ardaxslr-xwarrah was conquered, where the inhabitants were left to continue the cultivation of the land. Then 'Uthman b. AbT al-'As attacked the district of Darabgird. The hirbed (priest teacher) was in charge of the district, and paid a huge sum for his safety. 32. al-Tabart, op. cit., p. 2827. 33. Ibid . p. 2830. 34. Ibid., pp. 2830-31. 35. Ibid., p. 2831. 36. Ibid., p. 2833. 37. Ibid., p. 2863- 38. Baladhurf, Futuh al-Buldan, M. J. de Goeje, ed„ Leiden, 1866; translated by A. Azarnoush, second edition, Sorush Publishers, 1983, p. 142. The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in... 11 Then Jahrom and Fasa were conquered, and it is said that in those places there was also a herbed who dealt with the Arab conquerors as a representative of the local population 39 Another version of the story, according to BalSdhurT is that 'Uthman b. AbT al-'As in the year 23 or 24 attacked Besabuhr, and saw that the people had kept their religion but made peace with him- They later broke their word in year 26, and it was subsequently re-conquered.40 It is also reported that in the year 22 'Umar b. al-Khattab had ordered the conquest of Fars. In the year 28 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir b. Kurayz went towards Istaxr and from there to G0r. The people of Istaxr revolted again and after Ibn 'Amir had subdued Got, he went back and suppressed the Istaxr uprising. GCr remained elusive: final conquest of the city is said to have been in 29/649-650 by Ibn 'Amir. Then Kariyan and Fesjatan (which is identified as Darabgird) were conquered.41 The narrative of Ibn BalxT corroborates this by mentioning that after the conquest of Gor, Ibn 'Amir went to Istaxr. 40,000 of Istaxr's inhabitants were killed, mainly AzSdegSn "nobility," as well as Buzurgan (Wuzurgdn) "grandees" and Aswaran "cavalry soldiers" who had taken refuge there.42 We further get reports of uprisings in Fars and of continuous revolts in Istaxr and Got. It is reported that Ibn 'Amir's forces killed more than 100,000 inhabitants of Fars, certainly an exaggerated figure. Then Darabgird revolted again and was conquered again. Kerman became the next province. There are also reports of revolts after these wars, at which time Siraf, which is called Soryanj, was conquered.43 Fasa too revolted again during this time.44 Thus the account in Baladhuri is confusing and at times contradictory. According to Ibn BalxT with a force from Bahrayn, Hakam b. Abl al-'As was able to capture Tawwaj, located in Ardaxslr-xwarrah. Once the Persian forces of Sahrak, the marzban (margrave),45 were routed, Arab armies 39. Ibid., p. 144. 40. Ibid. A]. Ibid., p. 145. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid., p. 156. 44. Ibid., p. 147. 45. The notion that four marzbans existed as reported in Islamic sources has been challenged by Ph. Gignoux, "L'organisation administrative sasanide: le cas du marzban," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 4 (1984): 1-29. 12 Touraj Daryacc arrived at Raygahr/Rew-Sahr. Hearing this, 'Umar ordered 'Uthman b. AbT al-lAs to go to Fars and take over Tawwaj. From that base, the Arabs began to conquer the adjoining areas.46 From Basrah, Abu Musa al-As'arl would also send forces into Fars. By then some of the Persian forces had been converted to Islam and had entered the Muslim army. For example Hormoz b. Hayyan al-'AbdT was sent by 'UthmSn b. AbT al-'As to capture the citadel of SenBz which was on the coast of the Persian Gulf.47 From there in the year 16 'Uthman b. Abr al-'As went to Besabuhr and was able to impose jizya on the population.48 Arrajan was conquered in the year 18/638-639, Seraz in 20/640-641, and Darabgird's population paid jizya in the year 23/643-644. 4* When 'Uthman became caliph in 24/644-645, it is reported that the people of Fars revolted. In particular, Besabuhr rebelled under the leadership of Sahrak's brother, but, being defeated, the inhabitants paid jizya again. In the year 25/645-646, the population of Besabuhr revolted again, and Abu Mflsa al-AS'arl was sent by the caliph to put down the revolt.50 From there, Abu Musa al-As'arf went to ktaxr (28/648-649). Mahak was in charge in that city and peace was made between them. From there 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir who had been appointed w*3/i (governor) by the caliph, was sent to Got, but the people of Istaxr revolted again and killed the Arab overlord of that city. In the year 30/650-651 Got was conquered and 'Abd Allah b. al-'Abbas returned to Istaxr, where in year 32/652-653 his forces supposedly killed some 40,000 notables of that city.31 In that year 'Abd Allah b. al-'Abbas was appointed as the governor of Iraq and Fars.52 The people of Istaxr once again revolted and after much bloodshed al-'Abbas' forces subdued the city. This, seems to have been the last revolt.53 46. Ibn BalxT, op. cit., p. 114. 47. Ibid. Al.lbid., p. 115. A9.Ibid., p- 116. 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid., p. 117. 53. Ibid. The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in... 13 B. The Numismatic and Epigraphic Evidence The contradictory nature and confusion of dates contained in these authors make it hard to determine exactly when each region or city was conquered. It is exactly on this question that coins can shed light and provide a clarification of the literary sources. This can be done by identifying and securing the mint organization of the Sasanian empire during the reign of Yazdgird Id (10-31 H), the last monarch of that dynasty. For Fars there is already enough evidence to undertake this study, and it could be done for other regions as well. But until the mints have been attributed for certain, it would be difficult to apply the numismatic evidence to the chronology of the conquest of all regions. The mints of Fars, Kerman, Slstan and the Jibal have been attributed with considerable certainty, and regional comparisons would be useful. The mints of Fars have been secured more than those of any other province in the Sasanian period. Fare had several important mints, and from the surviving specimens, it seems that this region had a very productive output There are five mints which are known with some certainty and they are: 1) ART ArdaxsTr-xwarrah 2) BYS Besabuhr 3) DA Darabgird 4) ST Istaxr54 5) WYHC Veh-az-Amid-Kavad55 54. ART, BYS, DA, ST have been identified definitively by R. Gyselen, "Ateliers monetaires et cachets sasanides," Studia Iranica 8 / 2 (1979); 210. 55. The location of this mint is controversial and has been attributed to several areas. Mitchiner has identified this mint as N1HC for Ctesiphon in the province of Asuiestan, "Mint Organization in the Sassatiian Empire," The Numismatic Circular, Vol. LXXXVI, No.9, September 197&, Spink & Son Ltd., London, p.473. Gyselen has identified it as Veh-az- Arrrid-KavSd aka Arrajan in the Islamic period {op. cit., p. 210). Her reading is based on a seal with three cities mentioned: Istaxr, Besabuhr, and Veh-az-Amid-Kavad, thus located in FSrs, idem., La geographic administrative de I'empire Sassanide, Res orientales, Peelers, Leuven, 1993; for the discussion, see p. 62; for the seal, see p.l 12. Mochiri has read it as VSP for Visp-sad-Xosrow in Media, Etudes de numismatique iranienne sous les Sassanides et Arabe-Sassan'ides, Vol. II, Tehran, revised edition, Leiden, 1982, p. 454; Mordtmann and Sell wood have proposed New-Sabuhr in KhurSsan, Sellwood, An Introduction to Sasanian Coins, Spink & Son Ltd., London, 1985, p.49- Mitchner's suggestion is simply untenable. Mochiri's suggestion one must also reject because in the abbreviation of the mint the last character cannot be p but 6. Malek doubts that Veh-az-Amid-Kavad (Arrajan) was such an 14 Touraj Daryaee Yazdgird IE, the last Sasanian king, was crowned at the Anahld fire Temple at Istaxr in 10/632, i.e., the same place where the first Sasanian king, Ardaxsfr Pabagan, was crowned and the new dynasty was launched. Coins bearing the name of this king are rare and only the mints of Slstan56 and Kerman were active, long-term minting sites for Yazdgird HI.57 Other mints struck coins irregularly in his name and several did not at all, which may indicate that he was not in control of the whole Sasanian empire. This irregularity in minting is typical for Sasanian rulers after Xusro TJ, due perhaps to the fact that there was general chaos in the empire and the central administration was weak. These rulers were able to mint only in select provinces, while other mints were inactive. For Yazdgird HI all of the five aforementioned mints struck coins in his name in Pars. However, there are irregularities for all of the mints. Only two had a relatively steady minting under Yazdgird HI, while the other three were quite irregular. This apparent irregularity may have been caused by the unavailability of data rather than by the actual reality of mint production. We need to keep this in mind when discussing minting policy and attributing dates. Other provinces such as Iraq and Azarbayjan stopped minting in his name during the early years of his reign, and only Pars, Jibal, Kerman, and Slstan minted coins to the end of his rule. This is the list of dates and mints for Yazdgird HJ:58 1) ART Years 1,12,13,5* 166° important town in Sasanian times to have such a large output of coins; Malek, "Sasanian Numismatics,** The Numismatic Chronicle, London, 1993, p.90. I have been able to see affinities in the Arab-Sasanian coins to this mint with the other mints of Fare identified by Michael Bates, which make it certain that Gyseten's suggestion is correct Thus Nfiw-Sabuhr seems to be less plausible. See also S. Tyler-Smith, "Sasanian Mint Abbreviations," The Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. U3, London, 1983, pp.244-245. 56. See #578, #584, #585 for SK; #582 for BN, Joel L. Maker & Company, INC Classical Numismatics, Auction 55, Ancient GreqkCoins, Including Parthian, Sasanian. Etam andPersis, November 7,1993. The ANS collections has various dates for BBA, BN, and SK. 57. Tyler-Smith, op. cit., p. 151. P. Gurnet, "Monnaies sassanides inedites de Yazdgird III (632-65])," Cercted'Etudes Numismatiques, Vol. 25, No. 3,1988, p. 55. 58. The dates indicated without footnotes are taken from Tyler-Smith, op. cit., p. 153. 59. F. D. J. Panick was the first to list the coinage of Yazdgird for the province of Pars and beyond, "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Mint-Marks," Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Bombay, Vol V, Part I, [943, W. XXX/, 3, p.495. GO. (bid, p.91. The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in... 15 2) BYS Year 3 3) DA Years 1,2,3,61 14i ^ 16j 2o 4) ST Years i; 2, 10,11,12, 13,62 15) 17j 20 5) WYHC Years 3 « 4,«* 7, 20« It has been suggested that certain coins with the year 20 seem to have had an immobile date, meaning they were struck long after Yazdgird Hi's reign with the year 20. There are three mints in Pars which have a year 20 mint date: DA (DSrabgird), ST (Istaxr), and WYHC? (Veh-az-Amtd- KavSd). There are two opinions: 1) to disregard all the year 20 coins or 2) to leave out the mint of WYHC, since the last year before year 20 is year 7. To clarify the situation we must look at the first Arab-Sasanian coinage. They usually are of the XusrS H or Yazdgird HI type, meaning the coins have their portrait and features. They are also known as the Anonymous Arab-Sasanian coins, because they do not have the name of the Arab governor. The only indication that the coin is not Sasanian is that there are Arabic slogans on the margins, such as jayyid, or bism atlah.66 The following table lists the first Arab-Sasanian coins issued by the mints of Fars: 1) ART Year21 = 32H 2) BY§ Year 21 = 32H 3) DA Year20 = 31H 4) ST Year20 = 31H 5) WYHC Year 20 = 31H While the first appearance of the anonymous Arab-Sasanian coins has 61. Ibid., p.103. 62. ibid., p.m. 63. Ibid., p.] J6. 64. Aid. 65. Beside Tyler-Smith's excellent work, see also F. Gurnet's work on the coinage of Yazdgird 111 in two parts;, the second part providing dates for Fars as well, "Monnaies sassanides inedites de Yazdgird III (632-651)," Cercle d 'Etudes Numismatiques, Vol. 25, No. 4, 198$, pp. 76-85. Also see S. Sears' dissertation on the Coinage of Iran and IrSq from 650- 750, University of Chicago, 1997. 66. S. Album and M. Bates, The Coinage of Fars Province, Iran, 650-705 CE, The American Numismatic Society, 1995; S- Album and M. Bates, "Coins and Coinage," Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol VI (1995)-. 17. 16 Touraj Daryaee been clearly established, they do not appear for every year afterwards. ART ArdaxsTr-Xwarrah has continuous coinage with bism allah from 24/35 Hij'ra to 31/42 Hijra.67 BYS Besabfihr has continuous coinage with bism allah from 24/35 Hijra to 32/43 Hijra when 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir's name is struck for the first time. DA Darabgird is anomalous as compared to ART and BYS, since after year 20/31 Hijra, it is in the year 25/36 Hijra that the first bism allah legend appears for this mint. It continues until year 30/41 Hijra and in year 32/42 Hijra 'Abd Allah's name appears on the coin. ST Istaxr follows the same pattern as Darabgird, which may mean that the two cities rebelled several times and became independent. In fact, after the year 24/35 Hijra, the first Arab-Sasanian coins that appear with the name of 'Abd Allah are in year 33/44 Hijra. In addition, we do not have any coins until the year 38/49 Hijra with the legend bism allah rabbi. From year 39/50 Hijra we get the name Ziyad. WYHC Veh-az-Amid- Kavad has a continuous mint from 23/34 Hijra to 26/37 Hijra; 28/39 Hijra and then there are no coins until 37/48 Hijra with the legend bism allah rabbi. IV. Comparison between the Textual and Numismatic Sources Let us now compare the numismatic evidence with that of the literary sources. As we have mentioned, the literary sources, Arabic or Persian, seem to be confused and contradictory, with the exact dates elusive.68 This may be due to the complexity of the process of conquest The conquerors not only came from Basrah, but also attacked from the Persian Gulf, and by 650 C.E., the literary sources state that Fars was conquered.69 The question is whether or not the coins will confirm this date or suggest an alternative date for the conquest of cities in Fars. The following dates are given by aKTabarT, Baladhurl, and Ibn BalxT for the conquest ofthe cities of Fars. Since some of these cities rebelled several times, several dates may appear for the conquest of a city or district. Only 67. With the exception of 26/37 Hijra; year 30/41 Hijra with UtlSh; 31/42 Hijra has also 'AM Allah for the first time. 68. M. G. Morony, "Arab Conquest of Iran," Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. II (1967): 203-204. 69. Hinds, op. cii, p.49. The Collapse of the Sasanian Power in ..: 17 the last mentioned date is here provided. (Dates are in hijri): Cities/Mint TabaiT IbnBabcI Baladhur! AxdaxsTr-xwarrah 20 26 19 Besabfihr ** 26 24 Darabgird 23 21 29 Istaxr 29 32 29 Veh-az-Amid- 18 Kavad This chart shows the different dates given for the conquest of the cities. For ArdaxsIr-xwarrah, the dates vary from 19H-30H, an 11-year gap between the earliest and the latest date. Al-TabarT and Ibn Balxl have a closer date for the conquest 30H-26H, a 4 year gap. BesSbuhr's dates vary from 24H-26H, a 2 year difference. Darabgird has 23H-29H, a 6 year difference, and for Veh-az- Amid-Kavad mere is insufficient evidence, since there is only one year (1SH), available. This can also be due to die fact that Veh-az-Amid-Kavad was the westernmost region of Fars and so was conquered early on when Iraq itself was conquered by the Muslims. This scheme presents a pattern of gaps of 4 to 6 years for the conquest of the first three cities.70 By comparing these dates with the latest coins of Yazdgird m and the earliest Anonymous Arab- Sasanian. coins the following scheme appears: City/Mint Last Yazdgird Earliest Anon. Coin Arab-Sas. Coin al-Tabarl IbnBalxT BaladhurT ArdaxSir-xwarrah BeSabuhr Darabgird Istaxr Veh-az-Amid- Kavad 27/28 15/16 28/29 29/30 19/20 n 30. 26 12 32 ** 26 24 31 23 23 29 11 29 32 29 H ** 28 ** By comparing the numismatic evidence with that of the literary texts one can draw several conclusions. One is that the dates given by the literary 70. This is true if we disregard BaladhurT's date for the conquest of Ardaxllr-xwarrab 18 Touraj Daryaee texts for the conquest of the following cities are always earlier than the first Anonymous Arab-Sasanian coins. Secondly, Arab-Sasanian coins begin with the first year after Yazdgird m's death, 31-32H or 652 C.E. In other words, only after the death of Yazdgird HI do the Arabic legends appear on the coins. This presumes that the monarch's rule was at least nominally upheld in Pars, and mints struck coins in his name until his death. This could also be due to the fact that Yazdgird HI made his last stand in the western part of the empire and specifically in Ears, after the death of 'Umar, where there were sporadic uprisings against tribute imposed by the Arabs. Even at BSSabuhr, which seems to have been conquered earlier (according to the coinage), the first Anonymous Arab-Sasanian coin does not appear until 32H. Thirdly, while there are discrepancies for the dates of the conquest in the literary sources, the numismatic evidence is uniform. We know that cities revolted several times and were reconquered, thus it is difficult to assign an exact date for the conquest of a city. When we talk about the conquest of a city, do we mean the first conquest or the final conquest and permanent control of that city? The coins may give us the terminal date of the conquest, at a time when the Muslims were firmly in control of a city's bureaucracy, including the minting dfwan. It should also be noted that there are some important changes/-in the nature of our numismatic sources. This has to do with the numbering system for the dates" on the Arab-Sasanian coins. On the Sasanian coins, numerals from 2-9 were usually written in their ideographic form; for example year four appeared in the Aramaic ideogram ALAB, Middle Persian cahar. On certain Arab- Sasanian coins we begin to get the numbers written in purely Middle Persian form and the Aramaic ideograms disappear. Which mints followed the new numbering system? Any changes may indicate a shift of staff in the dfwan, where the old minters were replaced by new ones. Changes were occurring rapidly at on all levels, and every piece of evidence/source provides a clue to the various developments. To understand the process of the Arab Muslim conquest of the Near East and the Mediterranean world, all materials, both literary and non-literary are needed. Nsme-ye Iran-e BSstSn, Vol. 2, No. I Founder Myths in Iranian History Richard N, Frye Harvard University Most, if not all, people are interested in their origins, who their ancestors were, and their history. Sometimes the continuity is interrupted by adoption of a new religion, which tries to repudiate or ignore the past. At other times rulers seek to impose their views of events by lying about them.1 In both cases it is difficult to erase beliefs and practices which have become ingrained in the culture or society, and, in the case of religions, sometimes old tenets are absorbed or transformed to fit new conditions, or are secretly practiced. Let me explain. When Christianity spread in the Near East, pagan religions were attacked and many customs were banned when conversions took place. Others, such as fetes and holidays, were transformed into new celebrations with new names and meanings. It is well-known that Christmas adopted many practices from pre-Christian sources, including even the date of the holiday. But origins were important to people, and in this case, since the new religion rose from the Jewish faith, its origins of the Old Testament were chosen as Christianity's pre-history rather than the ancient Near Eastern, or the Graeco-Roman account of creation and origins. 1.1 hope to devote an investigation into the claims of Darius to belong to the family of Cyrus in another article.